WHAT CAN WE LEARN FROM MAY 13TH?

words by charles brooks

Mother's Day is just not the same for this working-class community in Philadelphia, where 6221 Osage Avenue sits. The people remember May 13th, 1985. 

The people remember the tragedy of May 13th, 1985, ensuring its place as one of those days that will never be forgotten. May 13th occupies a strong hold on our collective memory because it’s not just another typical reminder of another typical routine episode of police terror and state violence.  

Forty years ago, Philadelphia’s political leadership, Mayor Wilson Goode, Police commissioner Gregore Sambor, Fire Commissioner William Richmond and managing director Leo Brooks collaborated in their decision to orchestrate a destructive military style attack, targeting a group of Black revolutionaries. 

They made a politically calculated decision to not only unleash 500 police officers to fire 10,000 rounds of ammunition, disperse teargas, and forcefully pump thousands of gallons of water into the home where MOVE members lived but to drop powerful C4 explosives there as well. A decision that cost the lives of 11 Black people including 5 children, where over sixty homes were destroyed and over 250 people were now unhoused. A decision to allow the fire to spread as firefighters were relegated to mere spectators, taking no action as they watched the fires burn one house after another.  

The Mother's Day attack was actually the result of recurring episodes of police terror exercised against MOVE, who engaged in a political life and political activities staunchly opposed by both the Mayor and the police. For several years before Mother's Day 1985, there were a series of confrontations between MOVE and the police that led to the August 1978 shooting in Powelton Village. 

The charging of nine MOVE members with the death of one police officer at Powelton, triggered their transformation from Black revolutionaries to the MOVE-9, political prisoners.  All were sentenced 30 years to life; Merle and Phil Africa passed away in prison. The remaining seven collectively served over 280 years in prison before their release; Debbie Sims Africa (over 39 years), Mike Africa Sr,  (40+), Janine Phillips Africa (40+), Janet Holloway Africa,  (40+), Eddie Goodman Africa (41), Delbert Orr Africa, (41+), and Chuck Sims Africa, the last to be released after serving over 41 years.

The contradictions continue. 

Despite two investigations of the Mother's Day attack, no indictments were handed down. No prison time. None. 

Except for Ramona Africa.  She was the only adult survivor from the Mother's Day attack and convicted on rioting charges before serving seven years in prison as a political prisoner.  

The Philadelphia Special Investigation Commission, also known as the MOVE Commission, was created less than two weeks after the attack. They investigated, and held televised public hearings before issuing their report, where they stated in part: "…The Mayor abdicated his responsibilities as a leader when, after midday, he permitted a clearly failed operation to continue which posed great risk to life and property. The report outlined 38 suggestions or recommendations for future improvements. 

A year later in 1986, a grand jury was convened to determine whether criminal charges should be levied against any of Philadelphia’s leaders. Two years later in 1988, the grand jury found no evidence of anyone acting with “criminal intent, recklessness or negligence under Pennsylvania law, and therefore no criminal charges could be brought.”

Year after year, for 35 years there would be no apology forthcoming. None. Not from the mayor’s office, the Police Department, Fire Department, or Philadelphia’s City Council. This finally came to an end in November 2020 with the Philadelphia City Council's hollow recognition of May 13th as “annual day of observation, reflection and recommitment.”

But just a few months later in early 2021, new revelations emerged shedding light on what happened to the forensic remains after the MOVE bombing. 

Anthropological collections maintained by the University of Pennsylvania and Princeton University contained the forensic remains of one or two MOVE members. The remains were used as a case study in their research and study of forensic anthropology, as well as in their online course, “Real Bones: Adventures in Forensic Anthropology”

The controversial revelations not only raised serious questions and concerns but provided a window to the long history of medical experimentation and exploitation on Black people beyond the likes of Henrietta Lacks and the notorious Tuskegee Experiment. 

The May 13th assault is often seen through a lens that’s particularly focused on the sordid history of policing in Philadelphia - typical of policing in Black working-class communities throughout the nation.  Focused on the manner in which law and order is practiced in Black communities, particularly in their reaction to the pursuit of Black liberation via revolutionary activities.  Through a lens wide enough to observe the menacing intrusion of state surveillance that often resulted in the harassment and political imprisonment of not just men, but women, as well. 

The significance of May 13 continues to grow and resonate with working class Black folk people because they can see the contradictions on public display, the current political conditions shaping their political lives, their political reality.  

Harriet Washington makes this point to think about in her book Medical Apartheid, “It reveals how Blacks have historically been prey to grave-robbing as well as unauthorized autopsies and dissections. Moving into the twentieth century, it shows how the pseudoscience of eugenics and social Darwinism was used to justify experimental exploitation and shoddy medical treatment of Blacks.”

Additional information

West Philadelphia Collaborative History - MOVE

Home - Philadelphia & MOVE - LibGuides at Community College of Philadelphia